The role of the Kingdom of Spain in the European Union is not marginal, but nor is it high-profile. The name of the Spanish leader, Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero, shows up in the European and Ukrainian press far less frequently than the names and faces of his French, German or Italian counterparts. Still, judging by the program presented by the Spanish Presidency to the Council of Ministers of the European Union, this Iberian country could take the international spotlight in the first six months of 2010.

The agenda of the Spanish half-year term would suffice for a long-term government program—with some to spare. The many statements from the Spanish Prime Minister, Mr. Zapatero, and his Foreign Affairs Minister, Miguel Ángel Moratinos, during 2009 made it clear that big ambitions were about to take the stage. Spaniards themselves say this will be the first coordinated presidency involving a triad—Spain, Belgium and Hungary—so plans have been developed with the idea that they will be extended during the entire 18-month joint term.

Spain is taking on the Presidency during a dynamic period in the European Union. It is the Spaniards who will head the latest phase of the Union’s institutional transformations. One of the country’s priorities is to bring to life the Lisbon treaty, which came into effect on 1 December 2009 and calls for a major change in the way that EU work is coordinated. Still, even without these already-planned institutional changes, the European Union has faced plenty of challenges lately. For instance, Spain intends to fight climate change, poverty and gender imbalances. Besides, it hopes to bring the EU out of the current economic crisis, generate jobs, and develop a new model of financial regulation. On top of that, it wants to guarantee the civil rights and security of those who live in the Union—to whose ranks it proposes to add Croatia and Iceland.

In addition to handling ongoing problems, Spain has made it very clear it will be active on the foreign policy arena. The list of partners for intensive cooperation include Latin America and the Caribbean Basin, Russia, Japan and South Korea, North and Central Africa, Israel and Palestine, the Mediterranean Union as a whole, and the US.

Miguel Moratinos, Spain’s Foreign Minister, came to Ukraine at the beginning of November 2009 on an official visit during which he spoke about his intentions to strengthen the Eastern Partnership instruments during the Spanish Presidency. Indeed, for such an ambitious presidential program, the Eastern Partnership—the EU’s main policy instrument regarding Ukraine and five other countries in the region—would not constitute a major additional burden. And yet Spain did not put this initiative on its agenda, leaving it up to Belgium and Hungary to decide whether to work on this in their subsequent half-years.

Thus, Ukraine itself will have to take the lead and foster cooperation with Spain and the European Union. And this time, it is hoped that the events that are printed up on the front pages of European papers will not harm Ukraine’s reputation.

For instance, Ukraine cannot afford to have any possible weakening in European oversight affect the democracy of its Presidential election in mid-January. What’s more, it cannot be ruled out that lack of attention from the European Union during H1’10 will cause a slowdown in ongoing projects between Ukraine and the EU, such as negotiations on the Association Agreement.

One way to increase cooperation between Ukraine and Spain could be to establish common priorities, such as energy security. Here, Ukraine could specifically borrow from Spain the practice of supplying and transiting liquid gas that the latter receives from Algeria and Egypt. Migrant labor could also offer a promising topic for dialog, given that the financial crisis has driven unemployment figures to the top of the EU scale in Spain.

Given the considerable interest in Spanish culture among ordinary Ukrainians versus the small amount of information actually available, it might make sense to raise the issue of opening a Cervantes Institute in Ukraine. Establishing a state cultural center in Kyiv was originally planned for 2009, but was postponed indefinitely for lack of funding. Reducing the number of visa applications that are turned down by the Spanish consular section is another issue related to the question of access to Spanish culture for the average Ukrainian.

Clearly, a source of cooperation can always be found if we take the trouble to look for it. It would be excellent if the foreign policy strategies of both future presidents—the Ukrainian and the EU alike—were the result of a focused search. Perhaps, once the two countries at the East-West extremes of the EU recognize points where their interests meet, it will be much easier to find a common language with the entire European Union.